Abstract:
With the significant shift in focus by historians worldwide from traditional
political history to social history, the common people have assumed a central
role in recent historical discourses. To put together the objective and
impartial history of the people, emphasis is put on accessing and analysing the
folk collective mentality. The paper will focus on the popular folk sayings like
proverbs (zarb-ul-misl) and riddles (pretche)
of the Kashmiri language and will highlight how these folk sayings are in
themselves a repository of some particular historical context and by extension
transgenerational carriers of history. A highlight will be made of how
historical accounts are transmitted through these means to posteriority. Thus an
active archive is established in the social consciousness of a particular
community through the language they share. Kashmiri being predominantly an oral
language also navigates through the dynamics of remembering-forgetting. In that
context revisiting and analysing the popular folk sayings allows a fresh peep
into the history of the place and language.
Keywords: Folk sayings, Kashmir, Memory, Oral
history, Proverbs, Textuality, Paremiology.
Proverbs have long been construed and
recognized as ‘the palm oil with which words are eaten’ indeed this concise and
succinct ways of putting one’s mind into words have been in use since time
immemorial. This brief but succinct ways of describing, thoughts, wants and
moral, which we called proverbs not only describes our intention but such
sayings encapsulate and contains collective wisdom. This wisdoms are drawn from
shared experiences of a particular time, geography and culture. Regina F.
Blackwell and Galit Hasan-Rokem, in their seminal work
A Companion to Folklore, describe proverbs as “highly condensed,
ready-made metaphorical expressions” infused with lived tradition and culture.
They also opined that proverbs are indeed loaded with authority to authenticate
the environment of the people who are covered by the proverbs. This
understanding points to the dialectic nature of the dual function of proverbs,
proverbs serve not only as a reservoir of wisdom and its disseminating nature
but it also serve to point out and remember the historical and cultural moments
from which they emerge. Despite the absence of a singular, universally accepted
definition, scholars like Taylor (1975) are of the view that proverbs resonate
and represents with the populace and the culture of the common man and women.
Thus, opining that the very essence and usage of proverbs lies in manifesting
the lives and thoughts and culture of the common people. Hence the very essence
of proverbs lies in its relevance with the society and its role as cultural
artifacts and documents.
Proverbs as a tool of human narrative
also display and reflects a dynamic nature of mutability and plainness. The
adaptability and manoeuvring nature of proverbs points to the deeply rooted
characteristics of proverbs with the socio-cultural set up of the community.
Thus at times, the meaning and source of the proverb are closely tied to the
happenings of historical incidents and happenings, as such their meanings can be
construed as having evolved and originated in response to changing social
contexts. This evolution can be seen as a gradual progression of language
foregrounded in the idiosyncrasy of a specific given situation. The ever
changing nature of the meaning and subject of proverbs necessitates the need for
a nuanced understanding of proverbs, which is not separated and divorced from
their historical and ideological footings. As noted by Wolfgang Meider,
(2008), caution need to be exercised in making sweeping generalizations
about a particular subjects and community based solely on proverbial
expressions, since individual interpretations vary and differs widely, shaped by
personal experiences and socio-cultural historical influences.
The concept of the “age of rapprochement”
introduced by Peter Burke’s offers a valuable framework for understanding the
shifting dynamic relationship between history and folklore. The inclusion and
conscious prioritisation by historian of the lived-experiences of the masses in
the latter half of the twentieth century in social documentary has brought about
a marked sea change in understanding human culture. The rise of new social
history, has asserted the significance of the everyday experiences of the common
folks, thus challenging the traditional historiographical focus on prominent
historical figures and monumental events. This shift has opened new
methodologies such as “microhistory” and “historical anthropology,” which
encourage and advocates for a more interdisciplinary approaches to the study of
cultural artifacts, such as proverbs. Thus, paving the way for researchers and
social anthropologist to include and accept the hitherto unheard off and
marginal experience in the construction of historical cultural narratives. Hinge
The pivot of classic demarcation between
folklore and history has always rest on the notions of subjectivity. While
historians are understood to strive for an impartial representation of the past,
through correct historiography, folklorists are assumed as embracing the
imaginative aspects inherent in human (folk) narratives. This imaginative
playfulness though, crucial is seen as unreliable since it allows for multiple
retellings of the same story, each infused and soaked with unique contextual
significance. Arthur L. Campa’s assertion that folklore is a “living organism”
in his book
“Folklore in the American South”
(1972) emphasizes and pointed out the fluidity and mutability
of cultural expressions. This mutability, according to Arthur, thrive on
tradition but such fluid-intertextual nature do risk stagnation when removed
from their dynamic contexts.
The relegation of folklore as a “trivial”
narrative thereby rendering it to an unreliable form of narrative is now
gradually rectified. Many historians have recognized the value that folk
narratives hold in understanding and accessing reliable historical truths. The
acknowledgement and recognition that folkloric forms such as proverbs, rather
than being mere embellishments, but are deeply embedded invaluable historical
and ideological frameworks have open up a varied spectrum of methodologies to
understand human heritage and its cultural past. This acceptance of including
Folkloric narrative as a reliable form of historical studies have brought about
a consensus that the folk narrative are not just a mere trivial form but these
expressions are vital comment on social events and historical situations, and
their meanings and significance are based on the cultural knowledge of their
audience. Thus, the intimate relationship between proverb and context ensures
that even a partial articulation of a proverb can convey rich thematic
significance and important social and philosophical connotation which were
hitherto buried or side lined as inconsequential.
The inclusion of folklore within
historical contexts has also enriches understanding of cultural occasions and
proceedings. The study of folklores and proverbs have revealed many complex
human intersectional realities that were otherwise remain obscured and
overlooked. Henry H. Glassie in his seminal work on Mexican folk art, “The
Spirit of Folk Art: The Mexican Masters" (1989) suggests that folklore and
history can coexist harmoniously, providing a multifaceted perspective and
understanding on past incidences, each complementing and supplementing each
other’s on the provision of shedding new lights into past occurrences. Glassie
further opines that, the lingering scepticism regarding the credibility of folk
narratives need not persists, provided that fragments of folk history, devoid of
contextual anchoring, may be perceived as absurd. This understanding highlights
the importance of situating folklore within broader social structures, as
articulated by Collin Lucas in his work "The
Anthropology of Folklore" (1989) who
advocates for understanding folklore as part of a cohesive web of systems that
shape collective behaviour.
In light of the above considerations, it
becomes clear that the study of proverbs must be conducted in connection with of
social factors. With an interdisciplinary approach, scholars are provided with a
wider range of tools to understand the past and their correlation with their
action. This intertextual method enables scholars to draw more nuanced
conclusions about cultural expressions and their implications for understanding
historical dynamics. By situating and placing proverbs within the rich canvas of
social history, researchers can uncover the intricate nexus and ways in which
linguistic artifacts reflect, shape, and are mould by the cultural and
historical landscapes from which they arise. The theoretical exploration of
proverbs as cultural and historical phenomena reveals their dual nature as
carriers of social knowledge and reflections of common social realities. This
intertextual method furthered the inquiry into the interconnectedness of human
culture. By blending folklore with historiography, a holistic understanding of
the complexity and richness of human expression across time and cultures can be
understood and retrieve.
Kashmir as a cultural and geographical
topography boasts a folk tradition that is as ancient and as rich as any in the
world, with many scholars tracing the folk tradition of the region and its roots
to 2000 years. While the origins of this rich tradition are the subject of
ongoing debate, some scholars suggest that the well-known ancient fables of the
Panchatantra, which date back over
2000 years, may have originated in Kashmir. Additionally, the
Brihat Katha, another significant
collection in the oral and written tradition of India, is believed to have been
compiled in Kashmir by Gunadhiya, employing the little-known language -
Paisachi. This language which founds mentions in Sanskrit literature is believed
to have originated somewhere in the 5th and 6th century
BCE which was used in the Himalayan foothill region (possibly parts of what is
now modern-day Pakistan).
These early works highlight the deep and enduring relationship between the
region’s landscape and its narrative heritage.
The arrival of European missionaries in
the second half of the nineteenth century brought about anew enthusiasm to
resuscitate the hitherto unknown rich folk culture of Kashmir. The
systematically documentation these cultural expressions were revived notably by,
Rev. J. Hinton Knowles. Rev. Knowles produced two seminal works:
A Dictionary of Kashmir Proverbs and
Sayings (1888) and Folktales of
Kashmir (1893). The publication of these two works ultimately laid down the
foundation for the modern studu of Kashmiri Folk literature. Knowles publication
not only paved the way for rekindling interest in Kashmiri filk culture, but his
works also contributed to documenting the vanishing folk expression of the
region. While his scholarship has faced criticism for its Orientalist
perspectives and a tendency to prioritize Western literary traditions, often
side-lining the intrinsic value of Indian folklore, his contributions remain
vital for the preservation and documentation of Kashmiri folk literature.
Following Knowles, the work of
resuscitating and documenting the Kashmiri folk literature fall on two notable
figures. Both Aurel Stein and George Grierson further advanced the study of
Kashmiri folklore in the early twentieth century. In the year 1923, Aurel Stein
and Grierson published Hatim's Tales:
Kashmiri Stories and Songs, this book not only showcased the richness of
Kashmiri narratives but also inspired a new generation of scholars and
enthusiastic laymen to engage with the region's cultural heritage. Native
scholars like Noor Mohammad, Shambu Nath Bhat Hakeem, Sudarshan Kashkari, and
Professor Mohi-ud-din Hajini, promptly took to shoulder the responsibility of
furthering the folk expression of Kashmir. All the four writers collectively
produced a variety of works encompassing folk tales, proverbs, fables, and other
folkloristic works.
The cultural landscape of Kashmir is
particularly notable for its intertwined history of religion, art, and folklore.
The amalgamation of religion, art and folklore has played a crucial role in
shaping and determining the culture of the region. This intersection have also
resulted in producing a multifaceted outlook the region’s picturesque past.
Kalhana's Rajtarangni, for instance,
serves as an early historical account that is enriched by the influence of
legend and oral tradition. The 19th-century historian Pir Hassan also recognized
the value of oral narratives, utilizing them to fill historical gaps and provide
a more nuanced understanding of Kashmiri history (Fayaz 15).
Proverbs in Kashmir not only transcends
expressions of wisdom but they serve as profound reflections of the collective
psyche and distinct temperament of the Kashmiri people. The proverbs embody not
only guiding faith and principle for everyday life but it also serves as
critiques of social injustices, expressing the complex emotional landscape of a
society shaped by prolonged experiences of conflict and violence. As Fayaz (31)
notes, these proverbs reflect the multifaceted dimensions of the Kashmiri
psyche, revealing how deeply intertwined cultural narratives are with historical
traumas.
The intimate connection between conflict
and Kashmiri proverbs is particularly striking. Sayings such as
pushuk ti nai tsoluk ti nai (you could
neither resist nor run), batI batI tI
pyadI patI (Food, food, the sepoy in pursuit), and
doad tcheli dag tchelini (wounds heal but pain never does)
encapsulate the pain and trauma inflicted by feudal lords, maharajas, their
armies, and revenue collectors on the psyche of the common man and woman. These
proverbs not only convey the historical grievances of the common Kashmiri people
but also continue to resonate in contemporary social contexts. Even in
apolitical settings, they carry with them a historical baggage that evokes a
collective subconscious fear and trauma.
In Kashmiri culture, two terms for
proverbs are commonly used: kahavat
(literally, "saying") and zarb-ul-misl
(proverb or metaphor) (Fayaz 31). This dual terminology underscores the cultural
significance of proverbs as both expressions of wisdom and artistic metaphors
that condense complex social realities. The continued relevance of these
proverbs speaks to their enduring power as tools for communication, reflection,
and social commentary.
It will be fair to assert that in the
above paragraphs substantial arguments have been made which establish the idea
that proverbs can be used to understand and explore the cultural, social and
political history of a particular geographical location with help from other
social indicators. In the following pages some of the proverbs of Kashmiri
language will be discussed. The discussion of these proverbs will follow a
sequential pattern. The adoption of this method is preferred because of the
clarity it provides with discussion and comparative analysis vis-a-vis
historical accounts and other proverbs. The discussion will include the proverb,
its literal and proverbial meaning, explanation and its relationship with
history.
1.
Proverb: Agar Khán tsavyo gagar
troái , tath no míjis kum yout
Literal meaning: Agar Khán entered into a
rat's hole, and there he did not even get a bran cake.
Proverbial meaning: last resort/ in
extremis
Explanation: Agar Khan, one of the old
pathan governors in Rajouri is remembered through the people’s memory. According
to Hinton Knowles, Agar Khan had the state in crisis- army rebelling, treasury
empty. He is supposed to have given up his jewels and other valuables in order
to assist his family and servants but couldn't part with his elephant about whom
is said ‘Agar Khanun hustui lustui tah
lustui; lustui nah ti khustui’ - should Agar khan's elephant live, it lives;
and if it does not live, then nevermind. The much-loved elephant was let free at
last and probably wreaked havoc.
2.
Proverb: naage’ gaade’ wuchni halal
ti khenni haram
Literal meaning: the fish of spring are
lawful to look at but forbidden to eat.
Proverbial meaning: when we are sure we
cannot get or obtain something.
Explanation: the Naga cult worshipped
snakes in ancient Kashmir. Since the snakes were often located near the springs,
this made these springs and everything in them sacred. Despite the conversion of
Nagas first into the Arya cult and later into Islam in the fourteenth century
these springs and everything in them still retained their sacred character. In
another historical event when Gulab Singh died in 1857 one priest told his son
Ranbir Singh that the soul of the king has entered a fish which prompted the son
of the late king to issue an order that banned the catching of fish from Amira
kadel to Habba Kadel for four years, the two famous bridges over Jehlum in
Srinagar. Thus, the historicity behind the proverb is that the sacredness of the
springs established this culture of forbidding the fish of the spring. Whereas
the superstition about the King’s soul entering the fish in the nineteenth
century gave a political strength to the adherence of the practice which is so
deep rooted in the cultural consciousness that even to this day Kashmiri people
including muslims abstain from eating fish from the springs despite all fish
being permitted in Islam and there being no political ban in order.
3.
Proverb: Sher Singhun Draag
Literal meaning: Sher Singh’s Famine
Proverbial meaning: refers to the famine
in Sher Singh’s time.
Explanation: Kashmir has witnessed
countless natural disasters, floods, earthquakes, fires but famines have been so
recurrent in the history of the valley that it seems that the scars of draag
have been etched deep. In 1833, Kashmir was ravaged by a severe famine when Sher
Singh, son of Maharaja Ranjit Singh governed the valley. In its daily utterance
the proverb is used for a person who is always hungry and craving food all the
time. In the months-long lockdown due to political instability when all the
family members stay indoors and like munching on various foods the proverb finds
a revival of sorts on the tongues of Kashmiri housewives. The resurrection of
the proverb underlines the cultural memory of a particular community that
resurfaces unconsciously once situations similar to the past arise. In case of
lockdowns the insecurity of consuming one's ration and the difficulty in the
availability or purchase of goods amounts to famine.
4.
Proverb: Anim sui, wawum sui, lajim
sui, panasi.
Literal meaning: I brought the nettle,
sowed it, and got stung by it.
Proverbial meaning: To be responsible for
one’s own destruction.
Explanation: Even though the proverb is
self explanatory, Hinton K Knowles narrates a story behind the origin of the
proverb. A fakir planted nettle on his hand. The nettle grew on his hand for
years. People began to pay him visits and give him alms. One of his pupils
became envious of his fame and destroyed the nettle. This aphorism is claimed to
have been used by the fakir at this time.
5.
Proverb: Batah gaji ruhun
Literal meaning: Garlic upon the hearth
of pandits.
Proverbial meaning: Used when someone's
presence is not liked/preferred.
Explanation: Pandits in Kashmir would not
touch garlic. They believe that it is ‘Tamsik’, which causes anger, bad thoughts
etc. There are many more proverbs referring to the minority community of
Kashmir, one of the interesting ones being
Batas boud doh ti phakhe/ musalmanas boud doh ti sharakh’/ rafzias boud
doh ti baakh. (On his big day, a Hindu fasts/ a muslim feasts/ and a shia
weeps). This proverb highlights how the celebration of festive occasions of
three different communities differ. The proverb has a latent tone of mockery to
it and no matter who among the three communities uses it, the proverb has a
touch of humorous self-deprecation.
The discussion of the above proverbs
shows that there exists a deep connection between history and proverbs. The
connection is manifested through the names or references of people and places
mentioned in proverbs like Sher Singun
Drag or Agar Khán tsavyo gagar troái ,
tath no míjis kum yout where the names of personages are mentioned which
prompts a paremiologist or historian to look for those figures in the ancient
texts. There also exist proverbs like
tsoluk ti nai pushuk ti nai that over time through subjective playfulness or
other reasons, though still full of wisdom, have become vague or always were,
such that it is difficult to pin them to a definite historical period or
geographical location since they do not contain names like the previous ones.
The general argument as established by the paremiological tradition that
proverbs are reliable sources of history in presence of other social and
historical indicators as was argued by Meider and Arthur Campa. However, the two
classes of proverbs mentioned above raise a serious question on what happens to
proverbs in absence of historical evidence. The answer that proverbs still
perform the function of imparting cultural wisdom and traditional experience to
the posterity although satisfactory limits the scope of proverbs in providing
knowledge. The idea will become clearer if we create a hypothetical scenario
with a proverb that already has a well-documented history of origin and
evolution.
Take, for instance, the proverb
naage gaade wuchni halal ti khenni haram
(the fish of spring are lawful to look at but forbidden to eat). This proverb is
well-documented within historical texts, allowing us to understand the cultural
rationale behind why Kashmiri people, who generally enjoy fish in their meals,
refrain from consuming them from springs. The historical context provides
clarity and richness to the proverb, grounding it in cultural practice.
Now, imagine a situation where we have
this proverb, but no accompanying historical narrative. In such a case, we would
observe an entire population engaged in a cultural practice—abstaining from
eating spring fish—without any clear roots or evidential basis for this
behavior. The only link to this practice would be the proverb itself,
transmitted through oral tradition.
In this scenario, what role would the
proverb play? Would it be relegated to mere wisdom, or could it be argued that
it holds a more significant position? The proverb, in this instance, delineates
dietary practices for various communities within a specific geographical
location and influences their collective psyche. This influence suggests that
proverbs may transcend their historical contexts, serving as phenomena to be
observed rather than strictly established by historical evidence. Their
substantial social and cultural impact provides a form of validity that can be
compelling for historians seeking to understand the practices and beliefs of a
community.
In support of this perspective, we can
invoke the words of astronomer Carl Sagan, who famously asserted, “Absence of
evidence is not evidence of absence.” This principle resonates strongly in the
context of proverbs, suggesting that the significance and impact of these
sayings should not be diminished solely due to a lack of documented history.
Instead, the cultural resonance and collective practices shaped by such proverbs
can serve as their own form of evidence.
Thus, proverbs emerge not only as
carriers of wisdom but also as vital components of cultural identity and social
behaviour. They encapsulate the experiences, values, and collective memory of a
community, making them invaluable to both cultural studies and historical
inquiry. In conclusion, the intricate relationship between proverbs and history
invites further exploration, emphasizing the importance of understanding
proverbs not merely as relics of the past but as living expressions that
continue to shape and define the cultural landscapes of communities.
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